OMG So O.G.
Sunday, June 3, 2012
DUKE CITY GRAFF MAG IN THE NEAR FUTURE!!
Sunday, May 13, 2012
Hipster Hoedowns
Cloud Lantern
Pat Carney of Black Keys cameo!
Didn't get this band's name so I'l call them Trout Buckets
Wednesday, April 11, 2012
Goblin Ethics
Monday, April 2, 2012
Ritual Strength in HXC - an anthropologic study by Agustin McCord
In every major city on the globe there is an underground subculture generally known as the hardcore scene. The scene centers around a genre of music, also known as hardcore, that is, in most general terms, a hybrid of heavy metal and punk rock. The purpose of this paper is to turn an anthropological eye to this scene in Albuquerque and to discuss the ritualization of hardcore concerts or “shows”. I entered the scene when I attended a show with my girlfriend and her sister, the latter of whom has been an avid follower for some years. For my analysis I draw on the the approaches of three anthropologists: Bronslaw Malinowski (functionalist), Victor Turner (symbolic funtionalist), and Clifford Geertz (symbolic anthropologist). A show is a ritual event in the hardcore scene which reinforces counter-mainstream ideologies and gives its followers cathartic release from the oppression they believe we suffer from.
In order to discuss this topic we must first verify the degree of ritualization of hardcore shows. I do this using a definition of ritual that covers many factors, the chief ones being that it is collectively meaningful activity, markedly different from everyday life, and requires an attentive state of mind. We must look at how these characteristics apply to what one encounters at a hardcore show.
First off, the concert event occurs in a music venue that fans must pay a small fee to get into. These shows are generally held about once a week. When they enter the venue for a show the attendees are leaving the ordinary public sphere and entering a new environment, one that is completely directed toward the music and the dancing that accompanies it. The shows have collective meaning for the audience members because fans are all attending for the same reason: they appreciate hardcore music therefore they are buying a ticket to see the music performed live. Lyrics express a powerful message that audience members believe and adhere to, we can say that the performance expresses values. What these values are will be discussed in depth later. At the show fans can collect totems, whether they are t-shirts or cds, these objects are taken home and serve to remind the fans of the music and the scene.
Hardcore fans have a particular style of dress and at shows this style is emphasized. Carefully pressed t-shirts, flannels, and hoodies are worn, often bearing the emblem of a previous show. Straight or skinny leg jeans are ubiquitous, as are simple Vans shoes such as slip-ons or “authentics”. Colors of garments are mainly black or grey, with brighter colors used to call attention to one specific part of the outfit. Many choose to adorn their bodies with tattoos; at shows those with tattoos often wear a garment that allows their ink to be seen.
Mannerisms at a show are specific as well. No one smiles unless provoked to do so; everyone wears a stern expression. Fans practice what Tanya Luhrmann would call metakinesis, gestures that express emotion to viewers: they only dance in a very specific style know as hardcore dancing. The behavior is repetitive and stereotyped, each song demands a reiteration of all the moves and certain moves correspond with certain sections of the song. Due to the presence of all these factors we can say hardcore shows are moderately ritualized events.
To further understand hardcore shows as a ritual it is important to understand the fans of hardcore, those people involved in the scene. Here I will give a very general description of the demographic which the majority of fans fall into. Most are between the ages of fifteen to twenty-five and are lower to middle-class. Those in the younger portion are reliant on their parents for support, while those in the elder support themselves with blue-collar jobs. Very few of the people one encounters at shows attend college. Once again, this is a very generalized description of hardcore fans and there are obviously outliers that do not fit this demographic. However, they all share a love for the fast, heavy music that is hardcore.
When I was first introduced to the hardcore scene I was unconsciously making a somewhat functionalist analysis of it. I walked into the venue, whose walls were painted black and plastered with thousands of stickers, evidence of all the bands that had played there. Most of the people wore black and for the most part they did not look very happy. There was an energy there, and as the bands set up their equipment, the energy built into an atmospheric tension. People walked around the floor, some chatted quietly, the rest were mute. My synopsis was “These people seem angry.” My friend introduced me to a couple she knew. We talked a little and I learned that the couple was from San Felipe pueblo, that the girl worked at the truck stop there, and that the fellow was unemployed. They had saved what little money they could spare to drive down to Albuquerque and attend the show, which featured one of their favorite bands, Despised Icon.
When the music started I had to cover my ears because I was taken aback by the volume and the abrasive quality of the singer’s voice. I couldn’t understand what he was saying, except for a lapse in which all the instruments quieted long enough for him to say, “In three seconds, EVERYBODY F---ING MOVE!” I saw a space clear in the middle of the crowd and in the next instant the floor was filled with bodies swinging, kicking, and spinning in a manner that was remarkably ungraceful, yet beautiful at the same time. The blows were not directed at their fellows, rather they were extended with full force into the air then retracted as quickly as they had been thrown. I immediately thought my assertion was true, that these people were truly angry at the world around them and were expressing that anger by the violent form of dancing that is simply known as “hardcore”. The show continued for roughly 45 minutes with fans taking turns dancing in the center of the floor, usually four to seven at a time. By the end everyone was sweating, having taken their turn(s) in the pit, and the mood had changed drastically. I now saw smiles instead of scowls and people were conversing much more freely than before. The tension was all but gone and a feeling of camaraderie had replaced it. I had all the information I needed to make a Malinowskian functionalist analysis of what I had just witnessed.
The functionalist approach is to observe a culture synchronically, or from one point of view, and to look at what empirical function is performed by a given activity. This function may or may not be apparent for members of the society. I perceive that the show satisfies an emotional desire for the members of the hardcore community because it allows them to give release to their internal rage.
Most hardcore fans work tedious jobs, or are under the monetary restraint of their parents. This troubles them, but they feel there is little chance of escape from the monotony society has wrought on people. They feel that their diminished status is unjust oppression of ideas and free spirits inside them yearning to breathe free. They have anger towards current consumer and commercial-centered ideologies and towards people who wait for things to get done for them instead of affecting the action themselves. The music is their message to mainstream pop culture, which they believe makes people numb. By attending the shows they are showing their support for the message, as well as practicing the cathartic release of their pent-up anger through hardcore dancing. This is my functional analysis of my first experience of the hardcore scene.
The approach I took was similar to the way Bronslaw Malinowski studied the presence of magic in Kula culture (Malinowski, 392-6). Malinowski was an outsider to the Kula and his study was very much from his own perspective; he observed the way they lived and his conclusion is a product of his western scrutiny on a culture that has little in common with European culture. Because of this application of one’s cultural (in this case Western) ideas upon another’s (indigenous), Malinowski’s reasoning for the prevalence of magic in the Kula culture was probably different from the Kula’s own reasoning for the presence of magic in their lives. I feel that this is analogous to my study, for I was applying mainstream ideas and functional reasoning to account for a ritual in a subculture that is very counter-mainstream. As I returned home from my first hardcore show I felt there was something more to the scene other than just anger and release, so with a heightened curiosity I attended more hardcore shows. I aimed to submerge myself more in the scene in order to delve a deeper meaning behind the ritualized event of the show that plays a prominent role in these people’s lives.
Thinking about Victor Turner’s communitas, I am able to apply many of its traits to the scene at a hardcore show. Turner contrasts communitas with regular structured society: “The first of society as a structured, differentiated, and often hierarchical system. . . .separating men in terms of ‘more’ or ‘less’. The second is of society as an unstructured and relatively undifferentiated community of equal individuals who submit together to the general authority of the ritual elders” (Turner, p. 96). We understand Turner’s communitas as a state characterized by equality, and identification with the group as a whole rather than with an individual self, and caused by being between one level of status and another (the liminal phase). Most of the people involved in hardcore have moved on from the status of childhood, but are yearning for some greater status in which they can effect power, or lead others. We may characterize the stage they are in as a liminal stage.
A hardcore show is characterized by similar minds and attitudes coming together, forming one crowd, one organism that throbs to the beat of the ritual elders (the musicians performing). Differences are put aside, statuses are equalized and people tend to view one another with fraternal affection as they dance together in the stereotyped manner. I realized this at my second show when I witnessed one dancer lose his balance and crash to the floor. The person dancing next to him stopped kicking and flailing, offered a hand to the fallen one and pulled him to his feet. Up to that point I would have expected the second dancer to continue dancing and ignore the other’s misfortune. I thought the music was all about violence and aggression. But I now saw unity amongst all the members of the crowd; they were encouraging each other to step out and express their spiritual strength through the dance. They were not differentiating themselves, rather they were identifying with the music and with the crowd as a whole. “Communitas has an existential quality,” Turner wrote, “It involves the whole man in his relation to other whole men” (p. 127). At the show we see people dressed in a similar “uniform”, relating to one another on a basic level: musical experience and bodily expression, and also on a moral level. There is no need for hierarchies of status, because the energy created by the communitas is more powerful than any individual status could be. I believe this feeling of communitas is one of the main factors that causes people to return again and again to the most important event in hardcore culture: the show.
But what does the show symbolize to the fans? Clifford Geertz asked the same question regarding the Balinese cockfights he witnessed in 1958. To get his answer Geertz observed the participants closely, he became friendly with them, and he found out how the cockfight symbolized the culminating emotional moments we humans experience, which the Balinese people were able to recreate and intensify through the cockfighting activity. “What the cockfight says it says in a vocabulary of sentiment. . . . . Attending cockfights and participating in them is, for the Balinese, a kind of sentimental education” (Geertz, p. 449).
In order to explain the symbolic meaning of hardcore shows for the hxc* community I focused on one show in particular. The bands playing that night were Stray From the Path, from Long Island, and Despised Icon, from Quebec. Both bands are defining examples of contemporary hardcore music yet each band approaches the message in their own way. Despised’s lyrics read like poetry and conjure graphic imagery in the listener’s mind: “Mirror of our seedy creation Problems of society written by money-eyed producers Cheapest stories, uninteresting scripts Mystified zombies avid of the illusory disfigured stories from the mechanical eyes. You’re contaminated, hypnotized by the box”, from the song “Interfere in Your Days”. Much of hxc lyrical content centers around pointing out problems with the ideologies that affect us. Stray From the Path, heavily influenced by revolutionary rock band Rage Against the Machine, promotes similar values. “I can tell that you have been under his control. Making subtle movements being oppressed inside your home. I see the problems, I see the broken homes”, from the song Damien, by SFTP.
It is a well-evidenced fact that hardcore is anti-commercial, anti-mainstream media, and anti-capitalist government. Every show I attended had these sentiments promoted in varying degrees. However, as I learned to discern the lyrics better, I found that the main value being promoted by these bands is not a negative one, instead it is fraternity. Fans rally together to hear the bands pointing out these problems in our society, expressing their anger through dance. But they are not only expressing anger through the dance, they are also expressing strength. The communitas vibe is crucial here, because it is the key component of the strength of the scene. “(Communitas) dissolves the norms that govern structured and institutionalized relationships and is accompanied by experiences of unprecedented potency” (Turner, p. 128). By experiencing this communitas at shows fans are reinforcing the subculture that says, “We are not ok with these structures in our society, and we have the strength the stand up to these structures.” Rituals have been said to be like performative verbs, in that they don’t effect some change per se, yet the act of doing the ritual is the change. Attending and participating at shows is the same way; fans don’t have the power to change society on an individual basis, yet by supporting these bands they are helping preserve the movement for future generations to be a part of. They define the scene by being at shows, and when they leave the show they carry with them the feeling of being separate and aware of the ideology that oppresses them. This knowledge is embedded in the character of their being, and this is why they continue to support hxc and attend shows.
Many of us are unaware of these deep societal values within hardcore, but they are the what defines it for the fans, and the fans are what give the values life and substance.
Bibliography
Malinowski, Bronslaw. Argonauts of the Western Pacific . Ch. XVII Magic and the Kula . pages 392-396.
Turner, Victor. The Ritual Process . Ch. 3 Liminality and Communitas . pages 94-130.
Geertz, Clifford. [book title unknown] Ch. 15/Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight. pages 412-453.



